In this book, Elizabeth Anderson talks about the psychological affects of integration of black Americans, particularly black college students. Comparing the experiences of black students who attended predominantly white institutions in comparison to those who attended historically black institutions, she found that students who attended PWIs generally felt more social and academic stress that their counterparts at HBCUs. For students who reported feeling isolated or marginalized at more integrated institutions, these same feelings are the ones that drove the black nationalism movement. Many blacks considered, and still consider, it much easier to carve out their own space rather than to feel uncomfortable in a space that was not made for them. As blacks begin to find themselves in more and more integrated spaces, they also find themselves having to deal with the pressure of being the designated representative of their race. Many find that integration often does not mean acceptance, and certainly, does not come with the lack of racism or discrimination. For a “black face in a white space”, many times it is easier for one’s mental health to be in a black space, without the internal and external pressure caused by racial discrimination and stigma. As a result, the fight for complete integration, as outlined in this book, has to consider the personal effect that it has on minorities and their psyche.
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Wealth Inequality and Educational Opportunity
As data has recently been collected about the quality of schools across the country, the stark difference between the educations that children receive has risen to the forefront of conversation. For some parents, the lack of quality public education in their communities is a pressing issue. The distinction that wealth creates occurs in whether or not these parents are able to offer other alternatives for their children. For financially secure, and often, white families, this may mean sending their children to private schools or to better school districts. For less well-off, and often black, families the presence of subpar education may create a problem without any tangible solutions. As a result, as white parents move their children out of poorer districts and abandon the issues of the public schools, these schools often fall farther behind in terms of educational achievement, furthering the effects of wealth on educational attainment. This wealth difference can impact more than just where a child attends primary or secondary school, as in this case. Centuries of disadvantage have left black families far behind their white counterparts, with various institutional and systematic factors hindering their progress.
Considering the importance of education in combating income inequality, I found this idea very interesting. This novel helped explain how the same families affected by lower incomes also were unable to build wealth and therefore unable to offer their children the same educational opportunities as other families, further widening the income gap. Shapiro, through this book, does a good job of explaining the perpetuity of the wealth gap, and how the presence of assets can alter the life course of families and subsequent generations.
How Racialized Tracking Affects Students’ View of Blackness
Early racialized tracking of minority students can have a long-term effect on the psychology and development of black adolescents – affecting how students define their own blackness. For black students in schools with this system in place, from an early age, they see academic achievement equated with whiteness. This connection does not begin inside the black community; rather, these students are faced with an environment in which everyday they are told by their administrators, by their teachers, by the racial makeup of their classes that academic success is meant for white students. From this message rises this concept of “acting white” when one succeeds in school. For many black students this results in a tension between doing well in school and fitting into their perceived image of blackness. For adolescents in the critical stage of self growth and development, this tension brings up many questions concerning their racial identity. For black students anywhere on the achievement hierarchy, decisions have to be made, whether consciously or subconsciously, on how to reconcile these differences in their personal connection between success and race.
I found this especially interesting because, for many students of color, school has just become a micro version of the adult world. Rather than providing a place for students to receive and equal and quality education, school has become a maze – a place where minority students have to, once again, establish and reestablish their identity. For these students, school is just another institutional structure used to reinforce stereotypes and societal norms. In presenting the case studies of various schools and students, Tyson, through this book, truly shows the issue with how society has consistently placed the onus on students to defy these norms, rather than on these school environments to dissolve the systems that lead to these norms and achievement gaps.
Class and Race – Issues with The Moynihan Report
In 1965, Daniel Patrick Moynihan published The Negro Family, which later became known as the Moynihan Report. In this report, Moynihan discussed the apparent “collapse” of the black family. Here, he linked a majority of the problems facing the black community to these growing, deviant internal cultural norms, rather than external economic factors. This report differed from earlier major sociological works, especially the works of Franklin E. Frazier. In Frazier’s studies, he presented the idea that many of the issues of the black community and family were a result of the history of the community – that because of the “disruptive social changes”, black family life had become “disorganized and dysfunctional” (Allen 119). Despite his separation from the results of earlier studies, Moynihan’s work became widely renowned and went on to influence legislation for years to come.
In recent years, many a sociologists began to examine this work and the way it presented this unique societal unit. One such critique presented by Frank Furstenberg who claimed that the lack of social class research and variation in the study lent itself to Moynihan’s main thesis. By not showing a heterogeneous black community, in terms of social and economic status, Moynihan presented the issues of the community as inherent to the culture, rather than as a result of wider environmental forces. This critique appears again as Sara McLanahan states that the problems concerning non-marital childbearing and child-rearing were more class-based than race-based, indicating that the factors that played a part in producing these situations were not internal or characteristic of one specific racial group. Both of these critiques show the issue that many sociologists had with Moynihan’s work in that he did not do a great job of differentiating between whether or not his results were race or class based.
Stuck In Place – Detroit Case Study
One part of Stuck In Place that I found particularly interesting was the story of Detroit in Chapter 3. In this short section, Sharkey presents the case of the decline of Detroit and the questions it raises. In this explanation of the abandonment of the city along with the growing prosperity of its suburbs, the author presents the concept on white flight. Here, we are able to see the stark difference between the residential mobility of the black and white members of this city. As racial tension grew in the city during the 1960s, only whites had the capacity to leave the city. The resulting decline in tax dollars and investment, coupled along with economic downturn and housing market trouble created a situation of deep-seated economic and infrastructural problems for the city – only seeing a short respite in the 1990s. I found this intriguing because even the diagrams in this sections show how clearly segregated the racial makeup of the city was. The concentration of blacks in the inner city while whites were more spread out around the outskirts of the city showed the apparent separation of the communities. A situation was created which allowed whites to more easily leave the city when faced with social or economic issues due to their greater access to federal mortgages and other institutional policies. This particular case and the stories of other cities throughout this chapter were helpful in better framing the discussion of the issues of inequality and segregation discussed in the book.
Renegade Dreams in Their Different Forms
One part of the book that I found particularly interesting was Justin Cone’s story. Throughout the novel, Laurence Ralph sets up the narrative of Justin, occasionally implying his connection to Kemo Nostrand. Justin, now confined to a wheelchair following a shooting, opens the narrative by expressing his dream of telling his story to better his community. He hopes to literally live through injury in order to do what he can to alter the life course of the young men in Eastwood. As the book progresses, Justin’s story becomes the main and continuing example of a “renegade dream”. From his decision to exhibit his agency by turning his misfortune into a proponent of the actualization of his dream of a non-violent community, Justin becomes a quintessence of the resilience of Eastwood.
My favorite aspect of Justin’s story comes in Chapter Four when the author makes the realization that Kemo played a role in the shooting that paralyzed Justin. This connection between these seemingly different characters shows the way in which two members of the same community chose to react to this injury. While for Justin, this involved tunneling his efforts into public speaking in order to prevent gang violence, for Kemo, this involved exercising his power to aim toward the same goal as Justin, even within a different context. Within his life of gangs and drug dealing, Kemo was still able to exercise agency in the same way as Justin in that he did what he could to achieve their shared dream within the context of his life situation. The contrast between the two paths that these men chose to take show the heterogeneity of this community in not only their experiences, but also in their reactions to their situations and challenges. I really liked the way this book was able to show how different the goals and hopes of individual members of the community were but at the same time, show how the rebuilding and advancement of Eastwood was a goal desired and worked toward by everyone.
Agency and the Carceral State
In Chapter 4 of On the Run, Alice Goffman discusses how members of the 6th Street community turn legal troubles into resources. Here, she argues that the people of this community used the carceral state of their community to their advantage. While I understand her argument, I don’t completely agree with the format or function of this chapter.
I think, through this chapter, Goffman sought to outline the agency of individuals in this community despite their surroundings. Similar to Marcus Hunter’s Black Citymakers, residents of 6th Street used their own tactics and methods to improve their individual lives and their community as a whole, despite of the constant police and legal entanglements of the area. To me, though, the way Goffman wrote this chapter read more like a list of reasons why the state of the community wasn’t as bad as she outlines in the rest of the book. Over and again, Goffman would frequently cite one or two interviews as her basis for an entire conclusion. Throughout the book, though specifically in this chapter, Goffman was quick to come to conclusive statements about this community based on a single interview of experience. Because of this, I thought that the setup of this chapter seemed to lend itself towards more of an account of varied situations, rather than an overall picture of the community.
Intersectionality and Black Identity
From its very beginning, the black middle class was placed at an intersection of society. On the one hand, it sought to emulate certain aspects of white culture with the goal of economic and social equality. On the other hand, this same white culture would never let it forget the “black” part of its identity. From this junction, members of this group sought to form their own black identity that suited their racial, social, and economic backgrounds. I think that understanding this intersectionality is still an important issue today for not only for members of the black middle class today, but also for members of the black community in general.
The challenge of reconciling various identities is one that is ever present in the black feminist movement. I think this challenge parallels the one faced by the black middle class as it sought to bring about social change during the Civil Rights movement. Members of this class faced the issue of using mainstream tactics and white platforms while also staying in touch with the black masses. Today, black women who are a part of the feminist movement often face the challenge of wanting to support a movement, but also recognizing the different struggles faced by themselves in contrast to those faced by the white women who are generally at the forefront of the movement.
Black Elite’s Critique of the Masses
One part of this book that I found particularly interesting was the quote from Mayor Nutter when he admonishes the black youth of Philadelphia when he says, “You’ve damaged yourself, you’ve damaged your peers and, quite honestly, you’ve damaged your own race”. This statement highlights the experience familiar to many members of a minority of perpetually being viewed as a representative of their group. This awareness of a somewhat constant responsibility to defend and represent one’s community was particularly striking as the sentiment came from a member of this same minority.
This statement, given in 2011, highlights a reoccurring issue in the black community. Especially recently, members of the black elite, particularly black celebrities, have found the need to critique the black masses. Their critiques often underscore the inconsistencies between the political agency available to them and the agency available to the masses. When celebrities, in particular, deride the black community for its actions, these celebrities are often times neither well-informed about the issue that led to these subsequent actions, nor in the position to be making these remarks. While members of the black elite have the platform to express their ideas and sentiments about certain issues of the black community, they forget that the general black community does not have these same means.
I think this book, while it does show how powerful the people of the Seventh Ward were in facilitating some of the change they needed, it sometimes disregards the fact that the political agency that the blacks of this neighborhood had was not the ideal version of political agency. As much change as they did bring about, their methods were long and tiresome, simply because they were not afforded the main stream tactics of agency. I think it’s important to remember that, even today, having any type of agency is not a substitute for being granted full and conventional political agency.
Conflict Between Black Leadership
One heavily stressed issue that Aldon D. Morris writes about in this book is the conflict between Du Bois and Washington. The social factors, that contributed to the accepted narrative that credited Robert E. Park and Booker T. Washington rather than Du Bois, are reflective of a persisting intragroup issue in which members of the black community who align more closely with the accepted ideas of white society as a whole are given a greater platform than those who choose a path independent of the societal stream.
The disparity between the support and funding received by Du Bois and the Atlanta school and Park and the Chicago school was a result of not only the marginalization of black academia, but also the continuing friction between Washington and Du Bois. The establishment of Washington as, effectively, the gate keeper of black funds and political clout can be attributed solely to his docile acceptance of the white ideal imposed on the community.
Today, this issue still endures within the black community. Often, black leaders are pitted against each other, whether it be based on differences in ideals, methods, or actions. And regularly, this conflict descends into a fight in which white media takes the side of whomever has ideas more in line with white standards. For example, prior to the recent rape allegations, Bill Cosby was often cited by members of the white community for his ideas on the problems of the black community. In his famous “Pound Cake” speech, Cosby criticizes parts of the community, while also blaming African Americans for their own plight. Over and again, Cosby attributed the issues of the black community to larger issues with black culture as a whole. And, until recently, many white leaders, arguing for the idea that black culture was the real, pervasive problem, mentioned Cosby’s argument, somehow “legitimizing” him as an expert on the black community.
As with Washington, Cosby’s comments on the black community served as a serious detriment to those who were actually trying to fix the problems he discussed. When Washington expressed the idea that blacks should strive for economic equality through industrial jobs, rather than total social, economic, and political equality, he also hindered the work of other black leaders who were trying to achieve the latter goal. A century later, when Cosby expressed these ideas that sat well with white media, he effectively became another obstacle for black leaders who were trying to fix the issues that plagued the black community at the source. In his shallow and imprudent comments, he allowed others to also blame black community issues on black culture, rather than on the years of systematic and structural disadvantage that had created these issues.
Eunice Michieka – Introduction
Hey y’all!
My name is Eunice Michieka. I’m from Johnson City, TN, and I’m currently a freshman living in Apley Court. I haven’t decided on a concentration yet, but I am interested in the social sciences, especially economics and African American studies. I decided to take this course as a way to introduce myself into this field, as well as to help me decide if I wanted to maybe pursue either a concentration or secondary in African American studies. Outside of the classroom, I’ve gotten involved in the Black Students Association, the Association of Black Harvard Women, and I hope to find at least one volunteering program to participate in this year.
Through this course, I hope to gain a deeper and fuller understanding of the dynamics of the black community from a sociological perspective. Like most people, I never really had the chance to take a class on African American history in high school, so I am really hoping to get a lot out of this course and gain a new perspective on my community, not only here at Harvard, but also back home in Tennessee.
I look forward to getting to know all of y’all this semester!