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head of states with harvard degree


Head of state is an important job in the sense that they could take a day off in President’s Day. Seriously, they have to take in charge in the time of crisis and be accountable for anything happening in a country, occasionally abroad, even though they have their own jets, own staffs, and even own military. Harvard University is one of the place to produce head of state in the world.

There are 13 schools to grant degrees at Harvard, including 4 Faculty of Arts and Science (FAS) affiliated schools — the College, the Graduated School of Arts and Sciences, the Extension School, and the School of Engineering — and 9 individual professional schools, including the Business School, the Dental School, the Design School, the Divinity School, the Education School, the Kennedy School, the Law School, the Medical School, and the School of Public Health. Among these 13 schools, 7 schools have produced 23 heads of state in 15 countries and regions so far, including

the College (FAS)‘s Benazir Bhutto, Bachelor of Arts ’73 Radcliffe College, Prime Minister of Pakistan (1988-1990, 1993-1996); John Fitzgerald Kennedy, Bachelor of Science cl 1940, President of the United States (1961-1963); Franklin Delano Roosevelt, Bachelor of Arts 1903, President of the United States (1933-1945); Theodore Roosevelt, Bachelor of Arts mcl 1880, President of the United States (1901-1909); John Quincy Adams, Bachelor of Arts 1787, Master of Arts 1790, President of the United States (1825-1829); John Adams, Bachelor of Arts 1755, Master of Arts 1758, President of the United States (1797-1801);

the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences (FAS)‘s Miguel de la Madrid, Master of Arts ’76, Doctor of Philosophy in Government ’78 , President of Mexico (1982-1988);

the Extension School (FAS)‘s Álvaro Uribe, Certificate of Special Studies in Administration and Management ’93 , President of Colombia (2002-);

the Law School‘s Barack Obama, Doctor of Law ’91, President of the United States (2009-); Ma Ying-jeou, Doctor of Juridical Science ’81, President of Taiwan (2008-), Rutherford B. Hayes, Bachelor of Laws 1845, President of the United States (1877-1881); Mary Robinson, Master of Law ’68, President of the Republic of Ireland (1990-1997);

the Business School‘s George Walker Bush, Master of Business Administration ’75, President of the United States (2001-2009);

the Kennedy School‘s Tsakhiagiin Elbegdorj, Master of Public Administration ’02, Prime Minister of Mongolia (1998, 2004-2006); Felipe Calderón, Master of Public Administration ’00, President of Mexico (2006-); José María Figueres, Master of Public Administration ’91, President of Costa Rica (1994-1998); Jamil Mahuad, Master of Public Administration ’89, President of Ecuador (1998-2000); Donald Tsang, Master of Public Administration ’82, Chief Executive of Hong Kong, Special Administrative Region (2005-); Lee Hsien Loong, Master of Public Administration ’80, Prime Minister of Singapore (2004-); Ellen Johnson Sirleaf, Master of Public Administration ’71, President of Liberia (2006-), Carlos Salinas de Gortari, Master of Public Administration ’73, President of Mexico (1988-1994), Miguel de la Madrid, Master of Public Administration ’65, President of Mexico (1982-1988);

the School of Public Health‘s Gro Harlem Brundtland, Master of Public Health ’65, Prime Minister of Norway (1981,1986-1989, 1990-1996); Thomas Davis, Master of Public Health ’54, Prime Minister of the Cook Islands (1978-1983).

Note: this list does not include Honorary Degree whatsoever.

interesting life story about Alexander Severus


There is some interesting moment about Alexander by in Edward Gibbon’s book, The History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, in public domain, at books dot google dot com slash books?id=YrJGPLuSHmoC&printsec=toc&source=gbs_summary_r&cad=0#

page 165

“Alexander rose early; the first moments of the day were consecrated to private devotion, and his domestic chapel was filled with the images of those heroes who, by improving or reforming human life, had deserved the grateful reverence of posterity. But, as he deemed the service of mankind the most acceptable worship of the gods, the greatest part of his morning hours was employed in his council, where he discussed public affairs, and determined private causes, with a patience and discretion above his years.

“The dryness of business was relieved by the charms of literature; and a portion of time was always set aprt for his favourite studies of poetry, history, and philosophy the works of Virgil and Horace, the republics of Plato and Cicero, formed his taste, enlarged his understanding, and gave him the noblest ideas of man and government.

“The exercises of the body succeeded to those of the mind; and Alexander, who was tall, active, and robust, surpassed most of his equals in the gymnastic arts.

“His table was served with the most frugal simplicity; and, whenever he was at liberty to consult his own inclination, the company consisted of a few select friends, men of learning and virtue, amongst whom Ulpaian was constantly invited.

“The dress of Alexander was plain and modest, his demeanour courteous and affable.”

His failure was due to his too dependence to his mother and his lack of his power in “his” court.

Interesting facts about Xiaoping Deng.


Evan, Richard, Deng Xiaoping and The Making of Modern China, New York: Penguin Group, 1993.

“Because the political condition of the country was so bad, and also because jobs were hard to come by for the first generation of modern middle-school graduates, a large number of young Chinese were attracted by Li’s Programme. Between March 1919 and December 1920, almost 1600 worker-students . . . . A few, like Deng Xiaoping, were under twenty. . . . Some were university graduates, but the great majority had not gone beyond a secondary education. They came from the middle of society, and the sons and daughters of poorer landowners, merchants or scholars. Most of their families could ill afford the price of a steamship ticket to France, even at the concessionary rate of a hundred silver dollars which was on offer.”

“Deng’s departure from Bayeux ended his only period of modest comfort and security during the whole of his five years in France. For the rest of the time, he lived in factory dormitories or cheap hotels and did work that was often temporary and never skilled.”

P 13
“It was against this background of indigence and insecurity that Deng was drawn into politics.”

“The office of the youth league was Zhou Enlai’s bedroom in cheap residential hotel…. Only three people at that time could squeeze into the room, even for conversation, so that meetings of the league’s executive committee, four or five strong, and larger gatherings, had to be held in local restaurants. In these, Zhou and the rest could normally afford no more than a single vegetable dish and a few bread rolls, and sometimes only rolls and hot water.”

“How did Deng’s years in France affect him otherwise? They certainly inoculated him against the sinocentrism which was so marked a feature in the outlook of Mao Zedong – and of all the other Chinese communist leaders, like Lin Biao, who never lived abroad. Throughout his political career, and especially during his years as China’s national leader, he took a great deal of interest in foreigners and in their perceptions of China. He showed, too, grasp of two truths: that China could not ignore the world, if only because the world would not ignore China; and that China could not hope to develop quickly without being willing to learn from the world. . . . France as such may have influenced him less strongly than the experience of living abroad. . . . there is no evidence that he took an interest in French art or literature, or even as a practical man, in French engineering and architecture. Nor is there anything in the record – the archives of French government departments, factories and schools, and the memoirs of other worker-students – to indicate that he had French friends.”
“Deng’s character would have developed wherever he had been between the ages of sixteen and twenty-one. But it is hard to believe that he would have become quite so tough or self-reliant, at any rate so young, unless he had gone through the hard school of living by his wits in a world where there was little sympathy, and even less support, for a young Chinese who was down on his luck.”

“Deng Xiaoping spent eleven months in Moscow. To begin with, he was a student at the Communist University for the toilers of the East. . . . During the 1920s, hundreds of Chinese communists – including two, Liu Shaoqi and Ren Bishi, who were to rise very high in the party – were among its students.”

“Luo Fu was five or six years older than Wang and Bo and knew rather more about the world. The son of a scholar who had become a successful businessman, he was something of a scholar himself. He had spent two years in California, attending at least some university classes and working on a magazine for the Chinese community in San Francisco, and he spoke good English.”

“Deng had two classmates of this kind: Chiang Kaisheck’s son Chiang Chingkuo (only seventeen in 1925) and Feng Funeng, a daughter of the warlord Feng Yuxiang…In Deng’s time, the academic load was heavy. Seven subjects were taught: foreign languages, history, philosophy, political economy, economic geography, Leninism and military science.”

Interesting stories about Enlai Zhou


Barnouin, Barbara & Yu Changgen, Zhou Enlai: A Political Life, Hong Kong: The Chinese University Press, 2006.

“The Chinese classics, such as Analects, great learning, Doctrine of the Mean, and Book of Poetry, aka. The Four Classics, have a big impact on Zhou’s virtue. “Loyalty to the king was another essential element of Confucian teaching, one that Zhou employed in his relations with the moern Chinese emperor, Mao Zedong, to whom he was the very picture of devotion.””

“He also read the essays of Zou Rong, who, in his pamphlet revolutionary Army, denounced the Manchu regime, called on patriots to join the army of revolution, and advocated reforms, such as the introduction of a republican form of government modeled after that of the United States.”

“Zhou’s interest in political history prompted him to read the works of progressive writers of the Qing dynasty such as Gu Yanwu (1613-1682) and Wang Fuzhi (1619-1692). . . . Because Western cultural influence was particularly pronounced in Tianjin, many works of Western literature were available to the students in translation.

“Continuing his education in Japan seemed an obvious choice for Zhou. . . . The country was admired for its reforms and industrial modernization and for its teaching of  modern sciences. It was widely believed that Japanese methods of developing national prosperity would offer models and concepts for the development and modernization of China. Zhou clearly wished to find in Japan a path for China’s salvation.”

“Zhou has arrived in Tokyo at a time when Japanese chauvinism was at its peak and its behavior toward China had become insolent and disdainful. Even more important was that Zhou did not find the Japanese model relevant to China. After nineteen months in the country, he concluded that it was far from an ideal society and that Japanese policies were characterized by external expansion and internal suppression.

“Although Xin Qingnian had been available at Nankai, Zhou—as he later explained—did not read it carefully at that time. In Tokyo, he rediscovered it anew, reading incessantly the issues at his disposal and absorbing concepts and ideas, which undoubtedly helped him clarify his thinking.”

Zhou’s purpose of stay in Europe was “to discover the social conditions in foreign countries and their methods of solving social problems, in the hope of applying these methods to china on his return. However, he had yet to adopt a specific ideology.”

“In 1924, the revolutionary movement, lead by Sun Yat-sen in cooperation with the CCP, began to develop and to attract more and more recruits, which it needed badly.”

“Unlike other Chinese students, who divided their time between work and study, Zhou devoted all his energies to writing and to revolutionary activities during his three years and eight months in Europe. For over a year, he wrote weekly dispatches on diplomatic events and international relations. . . . During his stay in Europe, zhoud began to work with many Chinese activists who later became important leaders of the party and the state. When he left Europe in the summer of 1924, Zhou thus had established an important network of relationships, upon which he would draw for the rest of his life.”


Fang, Percy Jucheng & Lucy Guinong J. Fang, Zhou Enlai-a Profile, Beijing: Foreign Languages Press, 1986.

“Two choices faced Zhou Enlai upon his graduation from Nankai: to look for a job or to go to college. He decided on the latter. . . . he thought it best to continue his studies in Japan, and with the help of some friends, the nineteen-year-old Nankai graduate scraped up enough money to make the journey eastwards in September 1917. He had entertained hopes of finding answers to the questions uppermost in his mind in Japan, to learn how to save and rebuild China, and to acquire the kind of new knowledge that would be needed on his return home.”

“After the October Revolution in Russia, Zhou “tried to understand what the dictatorship of the proletariat meant. He scanned the press, read all he could find about developments in the first socialist country in the world, and began to make a serious study of the doctrine underlying this world-shaking event. . . . they held rallies, staged demonstrations and launched a sustained anti-Japanese movement in Tokyo. . . . His attention thus divided, he had little time to prepare for the college entrance examination and failed to matriculate. Meanwhile, events in Beijing gave cause for alarm. . . Zhou decided that there was much more he could do in china. In April 1919 he was homeward bound after a nineteen-month stay abroad.”

“the journal edited by Zhou became an immediate success and soon progressed to a daily with a circulation of over twenty thousand – not bad at all for those days. It was popular with women readers, too, because it espoused their call for equality between the sexes and an end to the feudalistic conventions that shackled them.”

“Zhou Enlai reached France in December 1920, a politically mature twenty-two year old who had been through the revolutionary baptism of the May 4th Movement. . . . Zhou Knew exactly what he wanted out of his stay in Europe, and would not allow anything to deflect him from the goal he had set himself. He came to France with two specific aims in mind: To press on with the study of Marxism first begun in Japan and continued in his Tianjin Prison days, and second to find a cure for China’s ills. . . . Zhou was far form being the ivory-tower type. He did not confine himself to the classroom, studying for study’s sake, in isolation from reality. He spent his time looking at life around him to see how the French worked and lived and what problem they faced. He took jobs sporadically at French factories, where at close quarters he could get to understand better and carry on among workers of Chinese origin and work-study trainees like himself the kind of propaganda that would keep them on a patriotic, if not at the same time socialist, course.”

“Frugal, thrifty, careful with every penny, these virtues cultivated early on became life habits which were not abandoned when twenty-eight years later, as Premier of China, he could well afford creature comforts but distained them.”

“As leader of the European branch, Zhou had to shuttle between Paris and Berlin every now and then and often stayed long periods in Germany. During one extended visit to Berlin he made the acquaintance of Zhu De, twelve years his senior.” Zhou became Zhu De’s reference to join the Communist party.”

“After four years of work and study in Europe, Zhou Enlai, now twenty-six, had come of age politically and intellectually, ready to take on the tasks which lay before him. Upon his return to the city which Dr. Sun Yst-sen had made the headquaters to direct the national revolution, Zhou Enlai was appointed to the post of Political Director of the Whampoa Military Academy.”

Interesting earlier life about Zedong Mao.


The following was the expert from the reporter and journalist Edgar Snow’s memoir.

Snow, Edgar, Red Star Over China, New York: Grove Press, Inc., 1968.

“I had never before seen so many children together. Most of them were sons of landlords, wearing expensive clothes; very few peasants could afford to send their children to such a school. I was more poorly dressed than the others. I owned only one decent coat-and-trousers suit . . . . Many of the richer students despised me because usually I was wearing my ragged coat and trousers. However, among them I had friends, and two especially were my good comrades.”

“Feeling expansive and the need for a few intimate companions, I one day inserted an advertisement in a Changsha paper inviting young men interested in patriotic work to make a contact with me. I specified youths who were hardened and determined, and ready to make sacrifices for their country. To this advertisement I received three and one half replies. One was from Lu Shiang-lung, who later was to join the Communist Party and afterwards to betray it. Two others were from young men who later were to become ultrareactionaries. The ‘half’ reply came from a non-committal youth named Li Li-san. Li listened to all I had to say, and then went way without making any definite proposals himself, and our friendship never developed.”

“But gradually I did build up a group of students around myself, and the nucleus was formed of what later was to become a society that was to have a widespread influence on the affairs and destiny of China. It was a serious-minded little group of men and they had no time to discuss trivialities. Everything they did or said must have a purpose. They had no time for live or ‘romance’ and considered the times too critical and the need for knowledge too urgent to discuss women or personal matters. . . . I built up a wide correspondence with many students and friends in other towns and cities. Gradually I began to realize the necessity for a more closely knit organization. In 1917, with some other friends, I helped to found the Hsin-min Hsueh-hui. It had from seventy to eighty members, and of these many were later become famous names in Chinese communism and in the history of Chinese Revolution.”

“Most of these societies were organized more or less under the influences of Hsin Ch’ing-nien [New Youth], the famous magazine of the literary renaissance, edited by Ch’en Tu-hsiu.

“I did not want to go to Europe. I felt that I did not know enough about my own country, and that my time could be more profitably spent in China. . . . My office was so low that people avoided me. One of my tasks was to register the names of people who came to read newspapers, but to most of them I did not exist as a human being. Among those who came to read I recognized the names of famous leaders of the renaissance movement . . . in whom I was intensely interested. I tried to begin conversations with them on political and cultural subjects, but they were very busy men. They has no time to listen to an assistant librarian speaking southern dialect. . . . But I was not discouraged. I joined the Society of Philosophy, and the Journalism Society, in order to be able to attend classes in the university.”

“While I was working in the library I also met . . . now vice-chairman . . .; vice-Minister of Education in Naking. . .
“My own living conditions in Peking were quite miserable, and in contrast the beauty of the old capital was a vivid and living compensation.  . . . When we were all packed fast on the k’ang there was scarcely room enough for any of us to breathe. I used to have to warn people on each of me when I wanted to turn over.”

LIU Shoqi’s 110 anniversary is 2008


“刘少奇认为,国家资本主义是十分接近社会主义的经济,中国可以比俄国’更多地、更长时期地’采用国家资本主义的办法。这是刘少奇从1921年至1922年列宁实行新经济政策时期赴俄留学的切身体验中得出的一个很有价值的独到见解”, according to Xinhua News at news dot xinhuanet dot com slash politics slash 2008-12/08 slash content_10471891 dot htm.

He was one of founding fathers to establish the New China’s unique economic, social, and political system.

“Yes We Can” is available in “made in China” version :)




Source: thisisdongdongqiang dot com

Author: dongdongqiang


Yes We Can”




If there is anyone out there who still doubts that America is a place where all things are possible, who still wonders if the dream of our founders is alive in our time, who still questions the power of our democracy, tonight is your answer.


It’s the answer told by lines that stretched around schools and churches in numbers this nation has never seen, by people who waited three hours and four hours, many for the first time in their lives, because they believed that this time must be different, that their voices could be that difference.


It’s the answer spoken by young and old, rich and poor, Democrat and Republican, black, white, Hispanic, Asian, Native American, gay, straight, disabled and not disabled. Americans who sent a message to the world that we have never been just a collection of individuals or a collection of red states and blue states. We are, and always will be, the United States of America.


It’s the answer that led those who’ve been told for so long by so many to be cynical and fearful and doubtful about what we can achieve to put their hands on the arc of history and bend it once more toward the hope of a better day.


It’s been a long time coming, but tonight, because of what we did on this date in this election at this defining moment change has come to America.


A little bit earlier this evening, I received an extraordinarily gracious call from Sen. McCain.

Sen. McCain fought long and hard in this campaign. And he’s fought even longer and harder for the country that he loves. He has endured sacrifices for America that most of us cannot begin to imagine. We are better off for the service rendered by this brave and selfless leader. I congratulate him; I congratulate Gov. Palin for all that they’ve achieved. And I look forward to working with them to renew this nation’s promise in the months ahead.

顷接参议员麦君凯恩电,虽未得晤,幸有一谈,其言 谆谆,其意诚诚,鄙人感佩之至。选战期内,麦君劳碌几重,奔波几许,皆为国家计。诸般求索,时日良多,皆非余所能及。于国于民之惊人牺牲,亦非庸庸如吾辈 者所可想见。以麦君之胆魄襟怀,能为吾邦所用,实国家之幸,万民之幸也。前途漫漫,其事未竟,余所盼瞩由衷者,唯共麦凯恩君、佩林君,及诸贤士比肩,会吾 等之绵力,成吾邦之大业。

I want to thank my partner in this journey, a man who campaigned from his heart, and spoke for the men and women he grew up with on the streets of Scranton and rode with on the train home to Delaware, the vice president-elect of the United States, Joe Biden.


And I would not be standing here tonight without the unyielding support of my best friend for the last 16 years the rock of our family, the love of my life, the nation’s next first lady Michelle Obama.


Sasha and Malia I love you both more than you can imagine. And you have earned the new puppy that’s coming with us to the new White House.


And while she’s no longer with us, I know my grandmother’s watching, along with the family that made me who I am. I miss them tonight. I know that my debt to them is beyond measure.


To my sister Maya, my sister Alma, all my other brothers and sisters, thank you so much for all the support that you’ve given me. I am grateful to them.


And to my campaign manager, David Plouffe, the unsung hero of this campaign, who built the best — the best political campaign, I think, in the history of the United States of America.To my chief strategist David Axelrod who’s been a partner with me every step of the way.To the best campaign team ever assembled in the history of politics you made this happen, and I am forever grateful for what you’ve sacrificed to get it done.


But above all, I will never forget who this victory truly belongs to. It belongs to you. It belongs to you.


I was never the likeliest candidate for this office. We didn’t start with much money or many endorsements. Our campaign was not hatched in the halls of Washington. It began in the backyards of Des Moines and the living rooms of Concord and the front porches of Charleston. It was built by working men and women who dug into what little savings they had to give $5 and $10 and $20 to the cause.


It grew strength from the young people who rejected the myth of their generation’s apathy who left their homes and their families for jobs that offered little pay and less sleep.

It drew strength from the not-so-young people who braved the bitter cold and scorching heat to knock on doors of perfect strangers, and from the millions of Americans who volunteered and organized and proved that more than two centuries later a government of the people, by the people, and for the people has not perished from the Earth.

今日之胜,有赖一众热血青年,抛其家,别其 室,不辞其苦,不计其酬,矻矻于此——“国中青年爱国之心已泯之谬论,今可休矣!今日之胜,有赖壮志未已之诸前辈,无惧寒暑,行走奔波,劝说民众。今日 之胜,乃数百万美利坚民众之胜,察其意,皆属踊跃为国,观其行,处处谨严有序,足堪告慰二百年前开国之先贤——民有、民治、民享之政体,未尝动摇也!

This is your victory.


And I know you didn’t do this just to win an election. And I know you didn’t do it for me.You did it because you understand the enormity of the task that lies ahead. For even as we celebrate tonight, we know the challenges that tomorrow will bring are the greatest of our lifetime — two wars, a planet in peril, the worst financial crisis in a century.


Even as we stand here tonight, we know there are brave Americans waking up in the deserts of Iraq and the mountains of Afghanistan to risk their lives for us.There are mothers and fathers who will lie awake after the children fall asleep and wonder how they’ll make the mortgage or pay their doctors’ bills or save enough for their child’s college education. There’s new energy to harness, new jobs to be created, new schools to build, and threats to meet, alliances to repair.

是夜,饮宴笙歌之声不绝于耳,而异邦大漠群山中,吾国大好青年,兀自苦戍边塞,惝恍竟夜,性命尚未得安。吾国千万 庶民,为人父母者,兀自惴惴难眠,所忧者,乃房宅所贷、病患之费、抚育之资也。至若吾国能源之耗,百业之兴,庠序之教,攻伐之术,怀远之道,亦皆吾等忡忡 挂怀者也。

The road ahead will be long. Our climb will be steep. We may not get there in one year or even in one term. But, America, I have never been more hopeful than I am tonight that we will get there. I promise you, we as a people will get there.


There will be setbacks and false starts. There are many who won’t agree with every decision or policy I make as president. And we know the government can’t solve every problem. But I will always be honest with you about the challenges we face. I will listen to you, especially when we disagree. And, above all, I will ask you to join in the work of remaking this nation, the only way it’s been done in America for 221 years — block by block, brick by brick, calloused hand by calloused hand.

逶迤坎坷,份内之事。异见争端,料必有之。国中之政府,谅非无所不能者。余所秉承不移者,唯忠信矣。倘有危难于前,必 无欺瞒于世。诸君言论臧否,纵悖逆相左之议,余必当洗耳以聆。于此之外,更当恳请诸君,不吝心血,致力报效,以振吾美利坚重兴之业。余亦别无他想,唯盼吾 侪协力,延继吾国既肇二百二十一年之大统,汇涓滴之力,而成万世之业。

What began 21 months ago in the depths of winter cannot end on this autumn night. This victory alone is not the change we seek. It is only the chance for us to make that change. And that cannot happen if we go back to the way things were. It can’t happen without you, without a new spirit of service, a new spirit of sacrifice.

昔年冬日,余有志于斯,投身此业,屈指算来,倏然近二载矣。当此秋夜,追思反 省,仍无溃退逃亡之意。选战之胜,无非一役之功,余梦寐所思矢志所求者,非在乎此。溯源究本,此役之胜,不过革世变时一大好良机耳。倘止步于斯,垂手而 待,或无诸君倾力相援,则壮志丰功,无非泡影,诸般梦想,终必虚妄。

So let us summon a new spirit of patriotism, of responsibility, where each of us resolves to pitch in and work harder and look after not only ourselves but each other. Let us remember that, if this financial crisis taught us anything, it’s that we cannot have a thriving Wall Street while Main Street suffers. In this country, we rise or fall as one nation, as one people.

爱国之心,报国之念,吾人固有之,然逢今日之世,此心此念亦当一变——吾辈各执己业,益当各竭其力,各尽其命,非 但为一己之利,而更期普世之荣。今岁,金融业界动荡多舛,细审观之,当可以之为鉴——实业之损,亦是金融之伤。可知,既在邦域之内,吾辈荣辱休戚,皆相与 共矣!

Let’s resist the temptation to fall back on the same partisanship and pettiness and immaturity that has poisoned our politics for so long. Let’s remember that it was a man from this state who first carried the banner of the Republican Party to the White House, a party founded on the values of self-reliance and individual liberty and national unity.Those are values that we all share.


And while the Democratic Party has won a great victory tonight, we do so with a measure of humility and determination to heal the divides that have held back our progress. As Lincoln said to a nation far more divided than ours, we are not enemies but friends. Though passion may have strained, it must not break our bonds of affection.


And to those Americans whose support I have yet to earn, I may not have won your vote tonight, but I hear your voices. I need your help. And I will be your president, too.


And to all those watching tonight from beyond our shores, from parliaments and palaces, to those who are huddled around radios in the forgotten corners of the world, our stories are singular, but our destiny is shared, and a new dawn of American leadership is at hand.


To those — to those who would tear the world down: We will defeat you. To those who seek peace and security: We support you. And to all those who have wondered if America’s beacon still burns as bright: Tonight we proved once more that the true strength of our nation comes not from the might of our arms or the scale of our wealth, but from the enduring power of our ideals: democracy, liberty, opportunity and unyielding hope.

至于心怀叵测,与世人为仇、与天下为敌者,吾邦猛志常在,彼等必取灭亡。心思纯良,久慕大同者,吾辈当倾力以助,鼎力 相援。犹疑未定,不知吾自由之邦兴衰如何者,吾辈愿以今日盛况以告之——美利坚之所以谓之者,非刀兵之强,金银之众,实民主、自由、机遇、梦想之美 也!

That’s the true genius of America: that America can change. Our union can be perfected. What we’ve already achieved gives us hope for what we can and must achieve tomorrow.


This election had many firsts and many stories that will be told for generations. But one that’s on my mind tonight’s about a woman who cast her ballot in Atlanta. She’s a lot like the millions of others who stood in line to make their voice heard in this election except for one thing: Ann Nixon Cooper is 106 years old.


She was born just a generation past slavery; a time when there were no cars on the road or planes in the sky; when someone like her couldn’t vote for two reasons — because she was a woman and because of the color of her skin.


And tonight, I think about all that she’s seen throughout her century in America — the heartache and the hope; the struggle and the progress; the times we were told that we can’t, and the people who pressed on with that American creed: Yes we can.


At a time when women’s voices were silenced and their hopes dismissed, she lived to see them stand up and speak out and reach for the ballot. Yes we can.


When there was despair in the dust bowl and depression across the land, she saw a nation conquer fear itself with a New Deal, new jobs, a new sense of common purpose. Yes we can.


When the bombs fell on our harbor and tyranny threatened the world, she was there to witness a generation rise to greatness and a democracy was saved. Yes we can.


She was there for the buses in Montgomery, the hoses in Birmingham, a bridge in Selma, and a preacher from Atlanta who told a people that “We Shall Overcome.” Yes we can.


A man touched down on the moon, a wall came down in Berlin, a world was connected by our own science and imagination. And this year, in this election, she touched her finger to a screen, and cast her vote, because after 106 years in America, through the best of times and the darkest of hours, she knows how America can change. Yes we can.


America, we have come so far. We have seen so much. But there is so much more to do. So tonight, let us ask ourselves — if our children should live to see the next century; if my daughters should be so lucky to live as long as Ann Nixon Cooper, what change will they see? What progress will we have made?


This is our chance to answer that call. This is our moment. This is our time, to put our people back to work and open doors of opportunity for our kids; to restore prosperity and promote the cause of peace; to reclaim the American dream and reaffirm that fundamental truth, that, out of many, we are one; that while we breathe, we hope. And where we are met with cynicism and doubts and those who tell us that we can’t, we will respond with that timeless creed that sums up the spirit of a people: Yes, we can.

所谓天命时运,莫过于此——当为吾邦万民造安身立命之业,为吾辈儿孙启各显雄才之门, 为寰宇各国创太平静好之世,为吾等壮志赋千秋不灭之元神。吾邦立国之本,必将光耀于天下。万千同胞,当如一人,一息尚存,梦想不灭。纵有世人旁观在侧,而 疑窦生焉,吾辈亦当以千秋不易之训共答之曰——吾辈既在,无所不能!

Thank you. God bless you. And may God bless the United States of America.






(二簧导板)  奥巴马撩袍服讲台来上,
(回龙)    芝加哥众父老细听端详:
(反二簧慢板) 这几日百姓们纷纷言讲,
(反二簧原板) 今夜晚我辈等把功业来创,
(二簧散板)  大选后且把这天数展望,

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