世说新语之《中国官场窃听成风?》(重庆晚报)

林珊珊:中国官场窃听成风?

原标题 [男子自述为官员拆窃听器经历:曾一周拆出四十多个],转引自共识网。

北京地铁拥挤的人群里,齐红抓住扶手,露出了一条条深深的刀疤。人们瞅着他,立即躲向一边。伤痕是23年前留下的,尽管这样的目光多年来已司空见惯,可还是激起了无可奈何的伤感。他没法和别人解释,就像一生所经历过的无数事情,总是始于理想,终于荒诞。
齐红,1米85左右的块头,不说话的时候,是一副严肃而戒备的神情,而当他开口说话,你能感受到他密集的思索。我是通过一则登在《南方周末》头版的报道知道他的,在那则报道中,他揭露了道成公司(声称开创了“医患关系第三方管理”)打击患者、欺世盗名、涉嫌违法犯罪的行为。
“不是揭露,而是揭示真相,”齐红纠正我。在山东一座城市里,我和齐红聊了几天,其中很多内容没法在这时告诉你们。这次仅仅要说的是,他从上百名官员的汽车、办公室或是卧房拆出三百多个窃听偷拍器材的事情。这发生在2011年。
  窃听成风
双腿一软,瘫坐地上,久久不能说话——齐红清晰地记得,他第一次为官员拆出窃听器时,对方面对结果的反应。那是他始料不及的,更没想到的是,自己在官场上传开了名声。
熟人才是通行证。官员们纷纷通过熟识的朋友来找他检测,拆除窃听偷拍设备。出于保险起见或是觉察到某种异常——比方说,妻子得知某个秘密行踪,领导讲话“话中带话”,他们都会找到齐红。最忙碌的一周,他拆出了四十多个。
这段神奇的经历起源于一次饭局。一名来自山西的官员带来了“官场窃听成风”的信息——官员们广泛使用间谍设备,彼此刺探,抓对手把柄,由此副职立刻升为正职……
“现在我们见面都要拥抱,趁机摸摸对方身上是否带设备,重要谈话得去洗浴中心,”他说。这让在座的人震惊,在山东一带,这样的现象前所未闻,他们纷纷感慨——人心是不可靠的。
齐红思虑得更多,“公务员队伍相互收集黑材料,将会带来什么后果?”他还对朋友们说:“我要对你们的安全做个检测,我想想办法,你们等着吧……” 没过几天,他就找到一套检测仪器。
检测工作先在朋友圈中进行。“焦点”人物会成为优先考虑对象,就像这一位,手握审批权力而又锋芒外露的处级干部。
“万一我私生活被发现,老婆不让我回家了怎么办?”听到齐红提出主动排查,这位“处级”还一脸轻松开玩笑。但很快,他就尝到了沉重的滋味——两个窃听器、一个针孔摄像头,藏在了办公室的空调里。
“脸顿时煞白了,直勾勾望着天花板”,他的两三个小时后才缓过神来对齐红说,不可能是家人装的,情人“藏得很深啊”。

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世说新语之《第三方生意——道成公司的成功之道》(南方周末)

第三方生意

——道成公司的成功之道

 

道成因感恩而生,顺天时创机制求和谐,依道行之,以德维之,大道成亦

——徐志伟

南方周末记者 柴会群 发自 济南、北京

 “医调委”里的公司

 

   5月22日上午,济南市“医调委”三楼会议室,道成(北京)医院管理公司的岗前培训课在此举办。主讲人是济南市卫生局前副局长、医调委主任马继任,听课的则是道成公司拟招聘的十八名新员工。

   成立于去年年底的“医调委”,其全称是“济南市医患纠纷人民调解委员会”。用马继任的话说,“医调委”是由“政府主管、带有政府职能”的社会调解组织”。

   不过,马继任表示,济南“医调委”与道成公司——一家2008才成立的民营企业——有着“密切”关系。确切地说,道成是“在医调委的指导下,服务医患的第三方机构”。两者是“为了医院平安建设这一共同目标建立的合作关系”。

   近年来,随着医患关系的恶化,医患纠纷愈演愈烈。各地纷纷成立“医调委”,以“第三方”身份调解医患纠纷,维护社会稳定。

   悬挂着绿底白字标牌的济南市“医调委”,位于济南市中心的一栋三层楼房里,这里同时也成为道成公司实际上的总部。不过,表面上,你在此处找不到任何道成公司的痕迹。

   但实际上,道成无处不在:道成公司元老“安院长”被济南市司法局任命为医调委医疗责任评定中心主任;道成聘用的律师夏国杰是医调委“工作站管理部”的负责人。而此次由道成公司招聘的部分员工,将以“医调委”的名义派驻济南各医院的“工作站”。

   “安院长”本名叫安德智。岗前培训课上,他被介绍为“原北京空军468医院的业务院长”。不过南方周末记者查询发现,空军事468医院已于上个世纪撤销,其所在地是河北省而非北京市。

   济南市医调委与道成公司更紧密的联系在经济上。马继任说,由于医调委只有支出没有收入,而平均调解一个医疗纠纷要花4000元,与道成公司合作,可以“弥补人员工资问题”。

   安院长说得则更为直接,由于财政拨付的50万元启动经费至今仍放在卫生局,医调委经常让道成“给他点钱花花”,“买个空调、桌子”。

   “医调委”为什么选择跟道成公司合作?马继任说,因为道成是医院管理“民间第三方”的代表,而“民间第三方”是“官方第三方”(即“医调委”)的基础。

   道成公司的前身为“山东大成保险代理公司”,马继任说,“由于工作做得非常好,社会效益和经济效益都很明显。为了在全国打开市场,就注销了山东大成公司,在北京成立了现在的道成公司。”

   不过,南方周末记者调查发现,尽管注册地在北京,但现在的道成公司与北京似乎已没有关系。这家对外声称2011年上市的公司,初始注册资金不过100万元,从业人员为11人。

   道成公司的网站显示,其地址为国谊宾馆2416房间,然而南方周末记者实地查看发现,2416房间却另有他人。宾馆物业管理人士说,道成公司确曾在这里租住过,但2011年3月就已搬走。

“第三方管理”创始人

 

   5月22日上午培训中途,一个身材瘦小的中年男人端着茶杯进入会议室,悄悄坐在后排,观察着在场人士的一举一动。

   在次日的总结会上,道成公司办公室主任刘芙蓉说,这个人就是公司掌门人——徐志伟徐总,他当时特意交待不要向学员点明他的身份。

   徐总的低调,或缘于他身份的特殊——表面上,他不在济南市医调委担任职务。而实际上,他在医调委“医院工作站管理部”办公室坐班。“医调委跟道成合作,重点就得跟他(徐志伟)商量”,安院长说。

   而在公共场合,徐志伟的身份是“中国医患关系‘第三方管理’创始人”。

   安院长说,道成公司已有的二十多名员工中,约有一半驻扎在省立医院——山东省规模最大、实力最强的一所三甲医院。

   5年前,正是在省立医院,徐志伟将他创建的“第三方管理”理论付诸实践。

   在2008年一期《中国医院院长》杂志上,徐志伟自述了他创建“第三方管理”的缘起:在一次“意外伤害”事件中,山东省立医院“打破常规”,“冒着极大的风险将笔者(指徐志伟)从死神手中抢夺了回来。自此之后,笔者不但与山东省立医院结下了深厚的情谊,同时,也看到了医院因怕纠纷在诊疗中的无奈……”

   公司内部有说法称,徐总受的“意外伤害”,指的是他当年因经济纠纷被仇家雇凶刺伤一事。奇怪的是,徐事后并没有报警。

   不过可以确定的是,在住院期间,徐志伟与山东省立医院结缘,并开创了一个全新的生意。

“第三方管理”的基本模式是:道成公司与医院签订合作协议,为后者提供处理医疗纠纷服务,并以此获得报酬。

   也就是说,医院将医疗纠纷“托管”给了一家私营公司。

   大成公司与山东齐鲁医院于2007年签的一份合同,详细列出了双方的合作内容。

   合同的名称为“医疗纠纷调解赔偿委托协议书”,其中规定,大成公司常年向齐鲁医院派驻“纠纷调解人员”,24小时提供医疗纠纷调解处理服务,齐鲁医院则为其提供办公地点及办公设施。

   此外,公司还承担“保护医院领导及医务人员的人身安全”的职责,“一旦发生突发事件,乙方(大成公司)安保人员及调解人员必须在15分钟内赶到事发现场,保护甲方纠纷当事人及其他相关人员。”

   合同还约定,“患方在医院内发生围攻、打砸、焚烧、拉扯横幅等扰乱医疗正常医疗活动秩序时,由乙方负责劝阻并及时化解。”

   要获得大成公司的上述服务,齐鲁医院要向大成公司支付98万元的“保险费”(仅是第一年价格),同时允许大成公司在医院里向患者销售保险。

   双方还约定,在代理医院处理医疗纠纷时,大成公司承担相关费用,包括对患者的赔偿费、法院的诉讼费等。马继任用一句庆点出这种模式的重点:你们(医院)给我们多少钱,(给患者)赔多了公司往里赔,赔少了就挣了。”

省立医院的风景线

 

   2006年4月,大成公司前安保队队长齐红初接触徐志伟时,被对方描述的宏伟蓝图所打动。徐要做的是一项前无古人的伟大事业:通过提供专业的服务,将医方和患方从医疗纠纷的泥潭中解放出来,进而推动中国医改。

而徐志伟常对员工承诺,随着公司事业做大,他们将来都会是“百万富翁”。

   身高一米八四、体重110公斤的齐红被徐志伟招来,主要任务是负责组建“第三方”的“安保队”。

   作为“第三方管理”的核心竞争力,“安保队”的重要性贯穿公司始终。南方周末记者在网上搜索发现,无论是当年的大成公司还是现在的道成公司。都在不遗余力的招聘安保人员。其基本要求是:男性,身高 180cm 以上, 22-28 岁,反应灵敏,洞察力强,警校生、运动员、退伍军人优先。

   齐红补充说,还有一些标准不好明说。比如有过在夜总会看场子经验的优先录用,可适当放宽身高要求。另外重要一条是外貌,主要看脸上有没有横肉,够不够吓人。曾经有一个安保队员因屡错犯罪要开除,但徐总因其“长得吓人”而没舍得。

   安保队员的对外身份是“助理调解员”,其主要职能是“配合”调解员工作。公司当时规定:调解人员在调解中,必须有数名安保队员在场,保持对患方的施压状态。如患方离开调解办公室,须有安保人员伴送,继续保持施压状态。

   据齐红介绍,让安保队员“配合”调解,是公司总结医疗纠纷调解经验的结果。运用后发现“效果很好”,百分之八十的患方投诉会被迫中止。

   安保队员的着装也由徐总亲自选定。“开始我认为毕竟是驻医院,应该穿得‘文一点’。”齐红说,“但徐总认为要和电影里的一样,选定黑色西裤,天蓝色上衣,说这样效果好。”

   安保队组建之后,特地做个个试验:队员们穿上制报排成一队到路中间走一圈,“结果发现过往的汽车都不敢鸣笛,连交警看了后也把脸扭过去。”齐红说。

   “第三方”入驻之后,建院逾百年的山东省立医院出现了两道风景线:一道是女的,由二十多的小姑娘组成的保险销售队伍,他们身着白大褂,出入于各科室,以医院“病房管理部”的名义向患者销售医疗意外保险;另一道是男的,数名彪形大汉在医院大院里列成一队巡视,寻找正在发生或者可能发生的医疗纠纷。

   七点半公司早会时,两道风景则合为一道:医患协调办公室门口,员工们高呼由徐总创作的口号——集平衡干预之大成,系民生和谐于我心,引得路人纷纷侧目。

   齐红说,安保的作用不仅仅是对外”表演”,它还有“对内除奸”的作用。

   据齐红介绍,2007年夏天的一个晚上,在和徐总一起吃完饭后,齐红与与公司一名副总、一名调解员和两个安保开徐总的车送安院长回家。“当时一个安保开车,我坐在副驾驶位置,安院长坐在后排中间。”齐红说,“结果在路况正常时,突然一个急刹车,等车再启动时,安院长就直不起腰来了,后来一查发现断了两根肋骨。”

   齐红说,发生此事的一个背景是,安院长不知何故对徐总有所不满,徐总也曾对其发过脾气。“安院长在家休息了一个月后,再上班时对我突然毕恭毕敬起来。后来还私下找过我,恳请我别对他下手,”齐红说,“我听了冒冷汗。因为这说明他以为这事是我干的。但其实我事前根本不知情。但我也知道他不会信,毕竟我是安保队长。”

 “充份利用”医疗纠纷

 

   “2007年7月19日凌晨5时10分,省城某医院一名主任和一名医生因医疗纠纷被患者家属以复印病历为名挟持至医院门口。患者家属叫来一辆出租车,随即打开了车门,把一名医生推进出租车,在准备把另一医生拖进出租车时,突然有几个穿天蓝色上衣的男子从医院里追出来,把两名医生解救下来。……”

   该案例出现在2007年8月刊的《山东卫生》杂志上。其中的“省城某医院”即指山东省立医院。不过据齐红介绍,此事其实子虚乌有。当时,公司当时刚刚入驻省立医院, “第三方”急于树立形象。于是要求安保队伍在医院寻找“典型“的医疗纠纷,以便有机会一显身手。

   “一位叫文冲锋的安保队员立功心切,对此很有热情,”齐红说,“每天一大早就满大院找医疗纠纷,那天突然向我报告,说血管外科吴主任被人绑架了。”

   因事态严重,齐红急忙到事发现场,才发现是个误会。原来吴主任应邀跟一位患者家属出去吃饭。“患者为了表明没有恶意,还强调说给吴主任送了红包。”齐红说。 Continue reading

Sally Jenkins: What sustains Chinese truth-tellers (Washington Post)

What sustains Chinese truth-tellers

By , Published: May 6

Sally Jenkins is a Sports columnist for The Post.

Almost four years ago I sat in a back-alley bar with an activist lawyer named Teng Biao discussing the pitiless abuses the Chinese government committed against its people in the run-up to the Beijing Olympics. Teng had been warned not to talk to foreign reporters, and twice over a 45-minute conversation the secret police called his phone. They wanted to know where he was and, more important, what he was wearing. Teng habitually wore a T-shirt emblazoned with the likeness of his jailed friend and client Chen Guangcheng. They wanted to make sure Chen stayed shut in a drawer.

The face of Chen, with his elfin points of hair and aviator shades, is known around the world since his escape from confinement and six-day sojourn in the U.S. Embassy. His siege — it is unclear whether the Chinese government will honor a deal to allow Chen to study in the United States — is only partly about a diplomatic standoff between the United States and China over human rights. Just as Teng described it four years ago, it’s really an internal contest between China’s lawyers and its secret police for the soul of the country. Will a great-hearted nation continue to be held hostage by security thugs who break laws over the heads of fellow citizens in the name of enforcing order and protecting bureaucratic plunderers? Or can China’s lawyers persuade the ruling class to observe the rule of its own law? Continue reading

陈光诚事件背后的混乱和错误信号

 

核心提示: 按时间线对陈光诚从走进美国大使馆到走出的重点事件回顾,以美中之间关于陈的谈判和高层战略和经济对话为两条平行主线。
原文:Mistakes and Mixed Signals As China Drama Unfolded
作者:BRIAN SPEGELE, KEITH JOHNSON 和 JOSH CHIN 发自北京 及JAY SOLOMON 发自华盛顿
发表:2012年5月5日
本文由”译者“志愿者翻译并校对

http://yyyyiiii.blogspot.com/2012/05/blog-post_07.html

周三下午,中国的盲人法律活动家陈光诚微笑着到达朝阳医院的一排红砖楼房。这起六天前陈进入美国使馆寻求保护引起的外交危机本来应该成功化解,这位领军人物想要在中国开始新的生活,学习法律。

美国大使骆家辉与陈的妻子和孩子见面,并停留了90分钟,他们是坐着高铁到达北京的。

接着,夜幕落下,一群警察到达医院九层的走廊。他们拿走了前来探访的记者的录像,之后把他们赶进电梯。在6:30pm的时候,医务人员要求其他美国官员离开。他们说探视时间已过。

突然之间,曾经保护过陈先生的人都走了。 Continue reading

The Bo Xilai Crisis: A Curse or a Blessing for China? (NBR’s Interview with Cheng Li)

The Bo Xilai Crisis: A Curse or a Blessing for China? An Interview with Cheng Li

By Anton Wishik April 18, 2012

China currently faces a daunting political crisis, due to the ongoing scandal riveting the country as the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) prepares for its upcoming leadership transition. Bo Xilai—formerly party chief of Chongqing and a member of China’s Politburo—has been stripped of his posts due to an investigation stemming from Chongqing police chief Wang Lijun’s February 2012 visit to the U.S. Consulate in Chengdu. During his conversations with U.S. officials, it is believed that Wang revealed damaging information about Bo and sought refuge due to his fear of persecution. After spending a night at the consulate, Wang was taken into custody by Chinese officials, a fate later shared by Bo and his wife Gu Kailai. Wang is currently being investigated, while Bo has been accused of various transgressions and Gu is suspected of involvement in the death of British citizen Neil Heywood in late 2011.

Bo, the son of a famous Chinese revolutionary, came to national prominence during his time as party chief of Chongqing due to his charisma, his ruthless crackdown against organized crime, and his promotion of Maoist songs and imagery. Before being assigned to lead Chongqing, Bo served as minister of commerce and mayor of Dalian in Liaoning province. In the months prior to this scandal, Bo was viewed as a rising star and a candidate for promotion to the nine-member Politburo Standing Committee.

NBR spoke with Cheng Li, an expert on Chinese elite politics and a senior fellow at the Brookings Institution, about the significance of these events, what they mean for China’s upcoming leadership transition, and their implications for future Chinese political reforms. This interview appeared on the NBR website: www.nbr.org.

How significant is this crisis for China?

My overall assessment is that the dismissal of Bo Xilai is a very positive event in China’s political development. While it has already constituted the most serious political crisis since the 1989 Tiananmen incident (and perhaps since the 1971 Lin Biao incident), the Hu Jintao–Wen Jiabao administration may have successfully avoided an even bigger crisis. In stark contrast with the 1989 Tiananmen incident, China’s economy and society have hardly been disrupted, at least up until now. This reflects the maturity of Chinese society and the strength of the country as a whole. To a great extent, this crisis has been a good thing for China. It not only reveals major flaws in the Chinese political system, but may also help the Chinese leadership, intellectual communities, and the general public reach a new consensus, thus contributing to bold and genuine political reforms. However, if the leadership fails to seize this great opportunity, the CCP will be in greater jeopardy in the years to come. Continue reading

Thomas Thompson: Glowing Pork, Exploding Watermelons (from Foreign Affairs)

 

Why China cannot keep its food safe
From Foreign Affairs! By Thomas Thompson
In July 2008, 16 children in the Chinese province of Gansu fell ill, suffering from low urine production. Their numbers multiplied, and by November hundreds of thousands of young Chinese throughout the country were experiencing varying degrees of kidney failure. Government inspections soon revealed that several prominent dairy companies and their suppliers were to blame. In an attempt to make it appear as if their products contained more protein, these companies had added melamine-formaldehyde resin, an inexpensive nitrogen-rich chemical used in plastic manufacturing, to baby formula and other types of milk. Continue reading

NYTimes on Hanhan: A Message Too Powerful to Stop

A Message Too Powerful to Stop

By PERRY LINK

Until recently, it has been very hard in China to say in public that the government, which calls itself the People’s Republic of China, in fact is something quite different from the people of China. No medium would carry such a message. But now, with the slippery Internet, such messages do get out, and do spread. They get partly blocked, but not stopped.

This month, Han Han, aged 28, a master of Aesopian wit and probably China’s most widely read blogger, wrote this:

The world over, a country is like a woman and the government is like the man who possesses her. Some couples live happily and feel satisfied. Some get along smoothly. Some have tense relations, some see domestic violence. In some cases the woman can divorce the guy and marry someone else, and in other cases she’s not allowed to. But whatever the case, when you love a woman you shouldn’t have to crank “loving her man” into the bargain.

Han Han is somewhat different from the “dissidents” in China. He writes in elusive, acerbic terms — the “cool” language of younger people, who are his main readership — and gets away with statements that are at least as devastating as anything dissidents say. He differs, too, in the numbers of his readers. An intellectual dissident feels lucky if an Internet essay draws 20,000 hits. Han Han’s essays often get more than a million, as well as strings of comments in the tens of thousands. Since its inception in November 2006, Han Han’s blog has had 421 mllion visits. His huge following protects him, too, because China’s rulers can imagine the size of the rebellion that a shut-down of his blog might trigger.

On Sept. 18, the anniversary of Japan’s invasion of China’s northeastern provinces in 1931, Han Han wrote a razor-sharp commentary on the protests against Japan that are taking place in China. On Sept. 8, a Chinese fishing boat collided with two Japanese coast guard vessels off barren rocks known as the Diaoyu Islands that are claimed as national territory by both China and Japan. Japanese officers arrested the Chinese boat captain and brought him to Japan, after which people took to the streets in many Chinese cities to defend China’s national pride and territorial integrity.

Anti-Japanese protests happen from time to time in China, and China’s rulers generally welcome them as ways to mobilize popular opinion behind the Communist Party leadership and to distract attention from domestic problems like corruption, inequality and environmental degradation. But such protests are a double-edged sword because they underscore the legitimacy of protest itself.

In Han Han’s view, the anti-Japan protesters of the past month have been used. His blog post addresses his fellow citizens this way:

There are three roles on China’s stage today: master, lackey, and dog. Most of us switch between two of the three. (Which two? Well, you can hardly expect yourself to be the master, can you?) Normally what the master wants from the lackeys is craven docility, but right now he needs some yipping dogs. No problem! Because in a dog’s mind, no matter how the master treats you, when an outsider shows up it’s your job to guard the homestead. …Deep inside, our leaders aren’t really angry. They just feel emasculated. And so, in their view, we are supposed to feel emasculated, too. But who ever took to the streets shouting “I’ve been emasculated!”? That only makes things worse. During times when the leaders’ face is intact, they smack us in the mouth; when they lose face, we’re supposed to earn it back for them. How do we take this?

Han Han then addresses the government, this way:

Don’t tell me that you and I are equally hurt by these “motherland” issues. … In our country the common people do not own one inch of the land; all the land, as you know, is rented from you. So from where I sit this issue resembles a tiff between my landlord and my neighbor over a tile that is lying on the ground. I know that the tile was blown off my landlord’s roof during a high wind, and also know that the landlord, who is afraid to fight the neighbor, has never dared to go fetch the tile. But what does that have to do with me, the tenant? Why should somebody with no land fight to get somebody else’s land back? Why should a tenant with no dignity fight for his landlord’s dignity? How much are people like that worth, per pound? How many would it take to add up to one pound?

At the end of his essays Han Han drops the allegorical mode and states plainly that “Protests against foreigners by people who are not allowed to protest at home are utterly worthless. They are nothing but a group dance.”

The authorities apparently do not dare to shut Han Han’s blog down. But they did erase this particular item, about 50 minutes after he posted it. Those 50 minutes, though, were enough to get it onto Chinese Twitter, where it was a hit all last week and from where it has spread around the world.

Perry Link is chairman of Teaching Across Disciplines at the University of California, Riverside, and author of “Evening Chats in Beijing,” as well as co-editor of “The Tiananmen Papers.”

Perry Link