{"id":1050,"date":"2011-05-08T23:51:41","date_gmt":"2011-05-09T03:51:41","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/blogs.law.harvard.edu\/guorui\/?p=1050"},"modified":"2012-03-30T11:26:33","modified_gmt":"2012-03-30T15:26:33","slug":"the-rise-and-rise-of-the-princelings-the-country%e2%80%99s-revolutionary-aristocracy","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/archive.blogs.harvard.edu\/guorui\/2011\/05\/08\/the-rise-and-rise-of-the-princelings-the-country%e2%80%99s-revolutionary-aristocracy\/","title":{"rendered":"The rise and rise of the princelings, the country\u2019s revolutionary aristocracy"},"content":{"rendered":"<p>Economist: The rise and rise of the princelings, the country\u2019s revolutionary aristocracy<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<div>\n<div><img loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignnone\" src=\"http:\/\/wordnet.sparke.cn\/Upload\/fck\/Image\/image\/201103\/%E5%AE%98%E4%BA%8C%E4%BB%A31.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"300\" height=\"225\" \/><\/div>\n<p>\u201cTHERE are some sour and smelly literati these days who are utterly abominable,\u201d a retired military officer reportedly told a recent gathering in Beijing. \u201cThey attack Chairman Mao and practise de-Maoification. We must fight to repel this reactionary counter-current.\u201d At the time, two months ago, the colonel\u2019s crusty words might have had the whiff of a bygone era. Today, amid a heavy crackdown on dissent, they sound cruelly prescient.<!--more--><\/p>\n<p>One of the most prominent literati, Ai Weiwei, is among dozens of activists the security forces have rounded up recently. Mr Ai, an artist who is famous abroad, was detained in Beijing as he attempted to board a flight to Hong Kong on April 3rd. There has been no official confirmation since of his whereabouts. Officials say that he is being investigated for unspecified economic crimes, but the <em>Global Times<\/em>, a Beijing newspaper, warned that Mr Ai had been skirting close to the \u201cred line\u201d of the law with his \u201cmaverick\u201d behaviour. In other words, he had apparently provoked the Communist Party once too often.<\/p>\n<p>Since the late 1970s, when China began to turn its back on Maoist totalitarianism, the country has gone through several cycles of relative tolerance of dissent, followed by periods of repression. But the latest backlash, which was first felt late last year and intensified in late February, has raised eyebrows. It has involved more systematic police harassment of foreign journalists than at any time since the early 1990s. More ominously, activists such as Mr Ai have often simply disappeared rather than being formally arrested.<\/p>\n<p>It is an abnormally heavy-handed approach, one unprompted by any mass disturbances (recent anonymous calls on the internet for a Chinese \u201cjasmine revolution\u201d hardly count). This suggests that shifting forces within the Chinese leadership could well be playing a part. China is entering a period of heightened political uncertainty as it prepares for changes in many top positions in the Communist Party, government and army, beginning late next year. This is the first transfer of power after a decade of rapid social change. Within the state, new interest groups have emerged. These are now struggling to set the agenda for China\u2019s new rulers.Particularly conspicuous are the \u201cprincelings\u201d. The term refers to the offspring of China\u2019s revolutionary founders and other high-ranking officials. Vice-President Xi Jinping, who looks set to take over as party chief next year and president in 2013, is one of them. Little is known about his policy preferences. Some princelings have been big beneficiaries of China\u2019s economic reforms, using their political connections and Western education to build lucrative business careers. Other princelings are critical of China\u2019s Dickensian capitalism and call for a return to socialist rectitude. Some straddle both camps. Prominent princelings in business include President Hu Jintao\u2019s son, Hu Haifeng, who headed a big provider of airport scanners; and Wen Yunsong, a financier who is the son of Wen Jiabao, the prime minister.<\/p>\n<p>Cheng Li of the Brookings Institution in Washington, DC, argues that a shared need to protect their interests binds these princelings together, especially at a time of growing public resentment against nepotism. Since a Politburo reshuffle in 2007, princelings have occupied seven out of 25 seats, up from three in 2002.<\/p>\n<p>The Mao-loving ex-colonel was talking to a group called the Beijing Friendship Association of the Sons and Daughters of Yan\u2019an (where Mao Zedong was based before his takeover of China in 1949). No prizes for guessing that the group favours socialist rectitude. Its president is Hu Muying, a daughter of Mao\u2019s secretary, Hu Qiaomu. Mr Hu was a Politburo hardliner in the 1980s who died in 1992. Other princelings are association members, though it is unclear how many are current or expected holders of high office. In her speech to the gathering Ms Hu said she rejected the word \u201cprincelings\u201d, but declared: \u201cWe are the red descendants, the descendants of the revolution. So we have no choice but to be concerned about the fate of our party, state and people. We cannot turn our backs on the crisis the party faces.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>The crisis, as her sort see it, is rampant corruption, a widening gap between rich and poor, and a collapse of faith in communist ideology. Details of Ms Hu\u2019s speech and the former colonel\u2019s were posted on several websites controlled by China\u2019s remaining Maoist hardliners. Journals put out by the hardliners were forced to close a decade ago because they were too blunt in their criticism of China\u2019s economic reforms. Yet the websites have kept up their tirades, including fierce denunciations of Ai Weiwei and other liberal intellectuals long before the recent arrests.<\/p>\n<p>The Maoists\u2019 lingering influence has been evident for the past couple of years in the south-western (and Scotland-sized) municipality of Chongqing. There, one of the country\u2019s most powerful princelings, Bo Xilai, Chongqing\u2019s party secretary, has been waging a remarkable campaign to revive Maoist culture. It includes getting people to sing Mao-era \u201cred songs\u201d and sending text messages with reams of Mao quotations. A local television channel has even started airing \u201crevolutionary programming\u201d at prime time. Last year Chongqing\u2019s fawning media ascribed a woman\u2019s recovery from severe depression to her singing Mao-vintage songs.<\/p>\n<p>The campaign has drawn plenty of attention. Mr Bo is a Politburo member who is thought to be a strong contender for elevation next year to its standing committee, the party\u2019s supreme body. He has become a darling of the Maoists (their websites say that the same colonel singled out Mr Bo for praise, to applause from the audience). For a long time it had been thought that Mr Bo and Mr Xi did not get on. But in December Mr Xi visited Chongqing and said its red revival had \u201cdeeply entered people\u2019s hearts\u201d. It deserved all its praise.<\/p>\n<p>Few people\u2014certainly not Mr Bo or other contenders for power\u2014are calling for a return to Maoist despotism and an end to market economics. What worries many liberals, however, is that they share Mao\u2019s high-handed approach to the law. In Chongqing a sweeping campaign against the city\u2019s mafia-like gangs and their official protectors has won Mr Bo many plaudits in the state-controlled press. But the jailing of a defence lawyer for one of the mobsters, for allegedly trying to persuade the accused to give false testimony, has led many to worry that Chongqing\u2019s courts will do anything to prevent lawyers from challenging the prosecution. He Weifang, a prominent legal expert at Peking University, wrote this week that recent events in Chongqing \u201cthreatened the basic principles of a society under the rule of law\u201d.<\/p>\n<p>The manner of the recent crackdown could be a sign that Mr Bo\u2019s approach (which includes dollops of spending on housing for the poor) is gaining favour in Beijing. It is also a sign of the increased influence of the domestic security apparatus since 2008, when China pulled out all the stops to stop unrest marring the Olympic games in Beijing. The power of Zhou Yongkang, the member of the Politburo\u2019s standing committee in charge of security, is widely thought to have grown along with a rapid increase in government spending on his portfolio.<\/p>\n<p>More liberal thinking has not been entirely suppressed. The party chief of Guangdong province in the south, Wang Yang, who is another (non-princeling) contender for the Politburo\u2019s standing committee, is widely seen as a bit more open-minded. Shenzhen, a special economic zone in Guangdong, has been experimenting in giving a freer rein to NGOs. The province\u2019s newspapers are among the country\u2019s most spirited (for which they are bitterly attacked by leftist websites). But Mr Wang has a cautious streak, too. The official media reported this week that 80,000 \u201cpotentially unstable people\u201d had been evicted from Shenzhen in preparation for a sporting event this summer.<\/p>\n<p>One of the most powerful criticisms of the clampdown came on April 8th from Mao Yushi, a notable economist. In a blog posting at <em>Caixin Media<\/em>, an outspoken publishing group, Mr Mao accused leaders of making a mistake by neglecting political reform in their plans for China\u2019s development in the next five years. Spending ever greater sums on maintaining stability, he said, just made citizens more hostile. Determined not to allow any disruption to next year\u2019s high politics, Chinese leaders are willing to take that risk.<\/p>\n<p>\u8bd1\u8005\uff1atony<\/p>\n<p>\u6821\u5bf9\uff1a\u5357\u5c71<\/p>\n<p>\u636e\u62a5\u9053\uff0c\u4e00\u540d\u9000\u4f11\u519b\u5b98\u6700\u8fd1\u5728\u5317\u4eac\u7684\u4e00\u6b21\u96c6\u4f1a\u4e0a\u8fd9\u6837\u8bf4\u9053\uff1a\u201c\u6709\u4e9b\u9178\u81ed\u7684\u77e5\u8bc6\u5206\u5b50\u975e\u5e38\u53ef\u6076\u3002\u4ed6\u4eec\u653b\u51fb\u6bdb\u4e3b\u5e2d\uff0c\u63d0\u5021\u2018\u53bb\u6bdb\u5316\u2019\uff0c\u6211\u4eec\u5fc5\u987b\u52aa\u529b\u51fb\u9000\u8fd9\u79cd\u53cd\u52a8\u9006 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\u8f7c\u5148\u751f\u6307\u8d23\u4e2d\u56fd\u9886\u5bfc\u4eba\u5728\u4e0b\u4e00\u4e2a\u4e94\u5e74\u8ba1\u5212\u4e2d\u9519\u8bef\u7684\u5ffd\u7565\u4e86\u653f\u6cbb\u6539\u9769\u3002\u4ed6\u8bf4\uff0c\u82b1\u8d39\u66f4\u5de8\u5927\u7684\u9884\u7b97\u5728\u7ef4\u7a33\u4e0a\uff0c\u53ea\u4f1a\u8ba9\u516c\u4f17\u5bf9\u653f\u5e9c\u66f4\u52a0\u654c\u89c6\u3002\u7136\u800c\uff0c\u7531\u4e8e\u51b3\u5fc3\u4e0d\u5141\u8bb8\u4efb\u4f55\u56e0 \u7d20\u5e72\u6270\u660e\u5e74\u7684\u9ad8\u5c42\u653f\u6cbb\u4f1a\u8bae\uff0c\u4e2d\u56fd\u9886\u5bfc\u4eba\u613f\u610f\u4e3a\u6b64\u627f\u62c5\u8fd9\u4efd\u98ce\u9669\u3002<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<\/div>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Economist: The rise and rise of the princelings, the country\u2019s revolutionary aristocracy &nbsp; \u201cTHERE are some sour and smelly literati these days who are utterly abominable,\u201d a retired military officer reportedly told a recent gathering in Beijing. \u201cThey attack Chairman &hellip; <a href=\"https:\/\/archive.blogs.harvard.edu\/guorui\/2011\/05\/08\/the-rise-and-rise-of-the-princelings-the-country%e2%80%99s-revolutionary-aristocracy\/\">Continue reading <span class=\"meta-nav\">&rarr;<\/span><\/a><\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":242,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[1],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-1050","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-uncategorized"],"jetpack_featured_media_url":"","_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/archive.blogs.harvard.edu\/guorui\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1050","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/archive.blogs.harvard.edu\/guorui\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/archive.blogs.harvard.edu\/guorui\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/archive.blogs.harvard.edu\/guorui\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/242"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/archive.blogs.harvard.edu\/guorui\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=1050"}],"version-history":[{"count":3,"href":"https:\/\/archive.blogs.harvard.edu\/guorui\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1050\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":1147,"href":"https:\/\/archive.blogs.harvard.edu\/guorui\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1050\/revisions\/1147"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/archive.blogs.harvard.edu\/guorui\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=1050"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/archive.blogs.harvard.edu\/guorui\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=1050"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/archive.blogs.harvard.edu\/guorui\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=1050"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}