{"id":2226,"date":"2004-03-12T18:51:46","date_gmt":"2004-03-12T22:51:46","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/blogs.law.harvard.edu\/dbnews\/2004\/03\/12\/the-rise-and-fall-of-the-first-interne"},"modified":"2004-03-12T18:51:46","modified_gmt":"2004-03-12T22:51:46","slug":"the-rise-and-fall-of-the-first-internet-president","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/archive.blogs.harvard.edu\/dowbrigade\/2004\/03\/12\/the-rise-and-fall-of-the-first-internet-president\/","title":{"rendered":"The Rise and Fall of the First Internet President"},"content":{"rendered":"<p><a name='a2989'><\/a><\/p>\n<table width=\"537\" border=\"0\">\n<tr>\n<td height=\"857\">\n<p><img loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"http:\/\/cyber.law.harvard.edu\/blogs\/static\/dowbrigade\/rohball.jpg\" width=\"500\" height=\"350\"><br \/>\n  <em>South Korean President Roh is being taken out of the game&#8230;.<\/em><\/p>\n<p> Americans like to imagine we invented everything, but there are many<br \/>\n  interesting and innovative dramas involving digital democracy unfolding around<br \/>\n  the globe. It is clear that we are seeing a groundswell of technologically<br \/>\n  empowered grass roots discontent around the world, and politicians are starting<br \/>\n  to take notice. <\/p>\n<p>The important inroads made by the Howard Dean campaign in raising<br \/>\n    funds and mobilizing<br \/>\n    support<br \/>\n    over<br \/>\n    the<br \/>\n    internet,<br \/>\n    as<br \/>\n    well<br \/>\n    as the missteps<br \/>\n    which led to the unraveling of his candidacy, are currently the object of<br \/>\n    intense scrutiny by groups within the Democratic and Republican parties.<br \/>\n  They would be well advised to study as well the rise and current difficulties<br \/>\n        of the world&#8217;s first internet president<br \/>\n    &#8211; South Korea&#8217;s Roh Moo-hyun.<\/p>\n<p>Although it may be premature to speak of the rise and fall<br \/>\nof President Roh, he was formally impeached by the South Korean national<br \/>\nassembly yesterday, and effectively removed from office. (see <a href=\"http:\/\/www.nytimes.com\/2004\/03\/12\/international\/asia\/12CND-KORE.html?ex=1394514000&amp;en=31e7dd1b8944d74c&amp;ei=5007&amp;partner=USERLAND\">New York Times article<\/a>) According to the<br \/>\nKorean Constitution, during an impeachment, which still must be reviewed by the<br \/>\nConstitutional Court and could take as long as six months, the Prime Minister<br \/>\nshall serve as acting President. The current Prime Minister is the former mayor of Seoul, Ko Kon.<\/p>\n<p>Roh&#8217;s election in December 2002 startled observers not only<br \/>\naround the world but in South Korea itself, where Roh had been considered a long<br \/>\nshot right up until election day. The very fact he was a serious contender<br \/>\nastounded some, given his unconventional political background. The son of a peasant,<br \/>\n  he never attended college, spent years as a construction worker, and taught<br \/>\n  himself law at night<br \/>\nuntil passing the bar exam. He was virtually unknow as little as three years<br \/>\n  ago, having lost four successive runs for various elected offices.<\/p>\n<p>He seemed<br \/>\n    an unlikely Presidential candidate for an<br \/>\n  increasingly internationalized South Korea; he had no administrative experience<br \/>\n  to speak of, had rarely traveled outside Korea, and spoke almost no English.<br \/>\n  He was however, the first candidate. and now the first world leader, who understands<br \/>\n  how to write html.<\/p>\n<p>In Roh&#8217;s case it was not so much that he put together a winning team, as that<br \/>\n  a nascent organization found him and drafted him for their movement. The core<br \/>\n  of the Roh team is from what the Korean press calls<br \/>\nthe &#8220;386&#8221; generation; in their 30&#8217;s when the expression was coined, now many<br \/>\nare in their 40&#8217;s; they came of age in the tumultuous 80&#8217;s, when South Korea<br \/>\nmade the difficult transition from dictatorship to democracy; and they were<br \/>\nborn in the 60&#8217;s, together with the tremendous burst of development and<br \/>\nproductivity which has produced one of the economic powerhouses of Asia and<br \/>\nperhaps the most wired nation on earth.<\/p>\n<p>One of the factors which made Roh&#8217;s victory possible was the<br \/>\nadvanced penetration of information infrastructure in Korea, particularly<br \/>\nbroadband internet access. Throughout the country, over 75% of homes are wired<br \/>\nfor broadband. And people use it &#8211; a recent study found that the average South<br \/>\nKorean internet user spends an amazing 1,340 minutes a month online, compared<br \/>\nwith 641 for an American. <\/p>\n<p>Internet use in South Korean impacts all aspects of daily life.&nbsp; On-line<br \/>\n  game playing is endemic, and South korea has become a major market for gaming<br \/>\n  software companies.&nbsp; But over 70% of online adults report having traded stocks online;<br \/>\n  such common tasks as banking, taking classes, and paying taxes are usually<br \/>\n  done on-line. Even watching television is moving on-line, as youger poeple<br \/>\n  are just as likely to download their favorite programs as to watch them broadcast<br \/>\n  live.<\/p>\n<p>There are demographic factors making this transformation possible. Over 70%<br \/>\n  of the Korean population is under<br \/>\n    40,<br \/>\n    and grew up<br \/>\n    with<br \/>\n    computers. The<br \/>\n    target audience for the campaign was the millions of Koreans in their 20&#8217;s<br \/>\n    and 30&#8217;s. For this reason many analysts consider Roh&#8217;s election significant<br \/>\n  for pitting generation against generation, rather than being fought on traditional<br \/>\n  political policy grounds.<\/p>\n<p>The seed for this successful presidential campaign was an<br \/>\nunofficial on-line fan club (<a href=\"http:\/\/www.nosamo.org\/\">www.nosamo.org<\/a>),<br \/>\nset up for Roh in 2000 after he LOST his third attempt to be elected to the National<br \/>\nAssembly, the same body which just impeached him. After his presidential candidacy<br \/>\nwas ignored by a majority of conventional Korean news media, the banner was<br \/>\npicked up by a variety of small regional newspapers, internet web logs and<br \/>\nalternative news sites like OhmyNews (<a href=\"http:\/\/ohmynws.com\"> www.ohmynews.com<\/a>), which has been called the world&#8217;s most domestically powerful news site. While major papers Chosun Ilbo, Joong-ang Ilbo and Dong-A Ilbo were<br \/>\ndismissing Roh as a dangerous leftie, Ohmynews was giving his candidacy and the<br \/>\nrising movement around it blanket coverage. The broadband penetration allowed<br \/>\nthem to broadcast unedited streaming video of Roh&#8217;s speeches and campaign<br \/>\nrallies.<\/p>\n<p>In addition, Roh&#8217;s Millennium Democratic Party raised<br \/>\nmillions and mobilized supporters for huge rallies via a series of web sites<br \/>\nand networked mobile phones. The drama came to a head on the eve of election<br \/>\nday, when a former rival who had endorsed Roh suddenly and unexpectedly<br \/>\nwithdrew his support, tipping the balance in favor of conservative candidate<br \/>\nLee Hoi Chang. On the day of the voting a massive electronic get-out-the-vote mobilization,<br \/>\nadvising people of the opposition&#8217;s last-ditch move to steal the election,<br \/>\nproduced an unprecedented turnout of younger voters which gave the victory to<br \/>\nRoh.<\/p>\n<p>Since taking office in February 2003 however, Roh has had<br \/>\nanything but smooth sailing. Elected on a promise to root out corruption, he<br \/>\nhas seen 12 members of his administration jailed and another dozen indicted. He<br \/>\nhas been personally connected to a campaign fundraising scandal and has seen<br \/>\nmany of his aides and campaign team go to prison. Dealing with in-house<br \/>\ncorruption has severely limited his effectiveness in cleaning up the endemic corruption<br \/>\nin society in general.<\/p>\n<p>Even his wellspring of support in the alternative media has<br \/>\ndried up. AllmyNews withdrew support for the Roh administration last year in protest<br \/>\nto Roh meeting with George Bush. Strangely,<br \/>\nthe current incident leading to Roh&#8217;s impeachment grew out of an off-hand<br \/>\ncomment in a television interview last month which was deemed to be in<br \/>\nviolation of South Korea&#8217;s strict election laws mandating Presidential neutrality<\/p>\n<p>What lessons can US political campaigns, as well as<br \/>\npoliticians among other internet-active electorates, take away from this<br \/>\npost-industrial morality tale? Despite the differences in demographics and<br \/>\ndemocratic traditions, we feel that there are several:\n<\/p>\n<ul>\n<li><strong>Converting<br \/>\n     eyeballs to action<\/strong> &#8211; It&#8217;s not enough to get people to visit a political<br \/>\n     web page.<span style=\"mso-spacerun: yes\">&nbsp; <\/span>The key is<br \/>\n     converting their interest to actions; contributing money, attending<br \/>\n     events, organizing networks and lobbying friends.\n <\/li>\n<p><\/p>\n<li><strong>Voting<br \/>\n       day turnout is essentia<\/strong>l &#8211; An effective personal network uniting<br \/>\n       supporters electronically via computers, PDAs and cell phones can make<br \/>\n   the difference in a close election. Get-out-the-vote efforts are nothing new,<br \/>\n   but the techniques used<br \/>\n       by the Roh campaign were innovative and effective. \n<\/li>\n<p><\/p>\n<li><strong>It&#8217;s sometimes better to &quot;come from behind&quot; <\/strong>&#8211; Being a front-runner<br \/>\n   for too long can focus attention and opposition on a candidate. Timing is<br \/>\n   essential in any insurgent movement, and it&#8217;s not a bad idea to be dismissed<br \/>\n   as inconsequential early in the campaign.\n <\/li>\n<p><\/p>\n<li><strong>Winning<br \/>\n       can be a problem<\/strong> &#8211; This is especially a consideration for unconventional<br \/>\n       or &#8220;outsider&#8221; candidates without a major party endorsement. The skills<br \/>\n       needed to successfully govern a major modern country are quite different<br \/>\n       from those needed to get elected. Pre-election supporters can quickly turn<br \/>\n       into opposition if they disagree with policy decisions of the new<br \/>\n       administration.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<ul>\n<li><strong>Trying<br \/>\n     to do too much too fast<\/strong> &#8211; Moving too fast can unite seemingly incompatible<br \/>\n     political forces against you in alliances which may not last beyond the<br \/>\n     current battles but which can make it difficult or impossible to govern.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<p>Finally, political planners should approach the internet<br \/>\nwith a note of caution.<span style=\"mso-spacerun: yes\">&nbsp; <\/span>While its potential<br \/>\nto raise money and awareness may be awesome, it can tear a candidate down as<br \/>\nquickly as it builds him up. In the final analysis, it is no substitute for the<br \/>\ntried and true tools of political success; a sound and extensive face-to-face organization<br \/>\non the ground, a solid support network in the bureaucratic and administrative<br \/>\ncorridors of power, and the ability to seek consensus and compromise among<br \/>\ntraditional power centers rather than forcing them into the opposition.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<\/table>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>South Korean President Roh is being taken out of the game&#8230;. Americans like to imagine we invented everything, but there are many interesting and innovative dramas involving digital democracy unfolding around the globe. It is clear that we are seeing &hellip; <a href=\"https:\/\/archive.blogs.harvard.edu\/dowbrigade\/2004\/03\/12\/the-rise-and-fall-of-the-first-internet-president\/\">Continue reading <span class=\"meta-nav\">&rarr;<\/span><\/a><\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":299,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[1443],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-2226","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-esl-links"],"jetpack_featured_media_url":"","_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/archive.blogs.harvard.edu\/dowbrigade\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/2226","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/archive.blogs.harvard.edu\/dowbrigade\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/archive.blogs.harvard.edu\/dowbrigade\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/archive.blogs.harvard.edu\/dowbrigade\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/299"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/archive.blogs.harvard.edu\/dowbrigade\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=2226"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/archive.blogs.harvard.edu\/dowbrigade\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/2226\/revisions"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/archive.blogs.harvard.edu\/dowbrigade\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=2226"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/archive.blogs.harvard.edu\/dowbrigade\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=2226"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/archive.blogs.harvard.edu\/dowbrigade\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=2226"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}